Despite the state’s Democratic majority, more than 53 percent of Californians voted against a ban on slave labor in state prisons . Proposition (Prop) 6 would have amended the state constitution by removing a provision that allows incarcerated people to be forced to work. Though it would not ban “voluntary” work in these facilities, it would prevent prison authorities from compelling an individual to work as punishment for a crime. California’s constitution currently mirrors the 13th Amendment’s notorious exception, which bans slavery except “as punishment for a crime.” That “loophole” underpins the link between capitalism and the carceral state. Nationwide, more than 790,000 people in state and federal prisons are estimated to be working — typically in maintenance jobs within their facilities, and sometimes in manufacturing, agricultural and public-service enterprises — generating several billion dollars in revenue annually, according to a 2022 ACLU report . Tens of thousands of them are in California, often earning less than $1 per hour. Esteban Núñez, chief strategy consultant for the Anti-Recidivism Coalition, one of the groups spearheading the Prop 6 campaign, said the defeat of the measure underscored the need for “more voter education” about what the amendment was meant to accomplish, since many voters may have been confused by the somewhat arcane wording to “eliminate involuntary servitude for incarcerated persons” (written by the attorney general’s office). He noted that, despite Californians’ seeming apprehension about the measure, several other states, even Republican-dominated ones, have approved similar bans in recent years. “This is something that, of course, was personal to a lot of us because we had lived experience with forced labor,” Núñez told Truthout . For many formerly incarcerated advocates like him, ending forced labor behind bars opens opportunities for more productive activities and positive change, like college courses and job training. “Forced labor really prohibits people’s ability to prioritize rehabilitation, and rehabilitation is really what’s going to drive down recidivism,” he added. “Those programs and education are just really vital to preparing somebody to come home.” California’s prison-industrial complex is one of the largest in the country, incarcerating people at a higher rate than most states. The state holds more than 91,000 people in custody as of last November, mostly Latinx and Black men — an ample captive workforce that delivers a variety of goods and services to the government: fighting wildfires , manufacturing office furniture, catering, and, after the pandemic broke out, producing face masks (even as they reportedly were forbidden from wearing masks themselves). The ballot question, which had no organized opposition campaign and was championed by civil rights organizations and the state’s Reparations Task Force , was framed as a step toward “restor[ing] human dignity” and redressing structural racism in prison. But some saw it differently, raising criticisms that seemed rooted in the notion that incarcerated people should have to work to pay the cost of their imprisonment and their supposed debt to society. An editorial in the San Jose Mercury News argued, “The fundamental question here is whether inmates should be required to provide work that contributes toward their room and board. We believe they should, just as the rest of us on the outside who have not committed crimes must also do.” The editorial board also argued that allowing incarcerated people to refuse work might pave the way for more mass work stoppages. ( A major prison labor strike erupted in 2016, with tens of thousands of workers in multiple states protesting what they called inhumane and exploitative conditions.) Additionally, political unease about the public cost of paying incarcerated workers fairly may have drawn opposition. An effort to institute a ban through California’s state legislature in 2022 ran into pushback from the Department of Finance, which estimated that implementing the measure would cost an additional $1.5 billion annually if incarcerated workers became entitled to earn a minimum wage, instead of the typical current pay rates of less than $1 an hour. The price tag led both Democratic and Republican lawmakers to back away from the measure. (In this past election cycle, Prop 6 and its accompanying legislation avoided direct projections of fiscal costs by instead “requir[ing] wages for work assignments in county and city jail programs to be set by local ordinance.”) Abolitionists acknowledge that eliminating prison slavery will be costly for the governments and companies that have long benefited from it. “There is a price to be paid for abolishing slavery, there’s no question,” Andrew Ross, a professor of social and cultural analysis at New York University and co-author of Abolition Labor: The Fight to End Prison Slavery , told Truthout . “But what the legislators don’t do is focus on the benefit,” including the economic gains not just for incarcerated workers but also for their families and communities, which are often distressed, impoverished and disproportionately Black, Brown and Indigenous. Incarcerated workers could better support themselves and their families with decently paid voluntary jobs, which would alleviate dependence on the informal underground economy of prison “hustles” and, once released, help them stably transition to the mainstream economy. Though it is a setback for the abolitionist movement, the defeat of Prop 6 comes on the heels of several successful efforts to end slavery in state prisons in a number of other, even more conservative, states. In Nevada this year — a state that Donald Trump won narrowly — voters approved a ballot initiative to abolish prison slavery via constitutional amendment by a 21-point margin, indicating that such proposals have moral appeal across party lines. Colorado was the first state since the signing of the 13 th Amendment to remove the “slavery exception” from its constitution in 2018. Utah, Nebraska, Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont followed with similar ballot initiatives . Alabama’s 2022 abolition referendum included several other measures that removed explicitly racist provisions of the state constitution, including school segregation policies and a prohibition on racial miscegenation. A bill recently introduced in the New York State legislature would amend the state’s constitution to “abolish slavery without exception,” and a companion bill lays out a framework of labor standards and rights for incarcerated workers. Incarcerated workers would be paid at least the state minimum wage — a massive raise from current hourly wages that typically run under a dollar — as well as workplace health and safety protections, which are crucial for the many high-risk maintenance jobs that incarcerated workers often perform, such as asbestos abatement . On the national level , advocates face a tougher fight to amend the U.S. Constitution’s 13th Amendment. A bill introduced last year declares “the continued existence of slavery and involuntary servitude antithetical to the democratic values, norms, and mores of the United States and can undermine the moral credibility of our country on the global stage.” However, such an amendment would require a two-thirds majority of both chambers of Congress to move forward for ratification by the states — likely impossible with Republicans in control of the House and Senate. Led by civil and human rights organizations as well as faith and labor groups, the movement to end prison slavery runs parallel to the contemporary abolition movement , which broadly envisions dismantling carceral institutions — which have disproportionately targeted Black communities since the end of chattel slavery — in order to replace them with community-focused systems of justice. Abolishing forced prison labor is a step toward removing the capitalist infrastructure that has been built around the systematic exploitation of the incarcerated workforce . The vast majority of the incarcerated workforce is employed in maintenance jobs that keep prisons running, such as janitorial work. About 15 percent work for government-run enterprises and public works, according to the ACLU report’s estimates , while private industries employ less than 1 percent. Shifting all these workers into a system of voluntary labor would require an exponential increase in their wages, especially if incarcerated workers became eligible for standard state minimum wages or prevailing wage standards set for their respective industries. According to a recent study by Edgeworth Economics , transitioning to a voluntary paid workforce would put between $11.6 billion and $18.8 billion of annual wages into imprisoned workers’ pockets, and better-paid work in prison would translate into better economic prospects for workers once they are released. Much of the advocacy around abolishing prison slavery does not go so far as to call for the abolition of prison itself, and some activists say they are above all focused on resolving the immediate human rights crisis of forced labor in prisons. But activists say if forced labor ends in prison, the whole infrastructure of the carceral state will become less economically viable. An obligation to treat incarcerated workers fairly and equally would shake the foundations of a social institution that has been designed for centuries to maximize suffering and exploitation. And empowering the incarcerated with real labor rights would enable them to hold authorities accountable and organize collective resistance to abuse. “It would alter the balance of power in the prisons quite significantly if incarcerated people have the right to refuse ill-paid and unsafe work,” Ross said. “Because the ability to force people to work is absolutely key to the power of the jailor.” But advocates acknowledge that ending forced labor in prison is an incremental shift that would not immediately end ingrained practices of oppression in the carceral system; labor remains an everyday part of prison life, and coercive treatment is endemic to the environment. Indeed, incarcerated workers have filed lawsuits in Alabama and Colorado , claiming they have still been forced to work and faced punishment for refusing, despite their states’ prison slavery bans. Those ongoing legal battles reveal how, beyond policy remedies, creating the conditions for true abolition demands sustained vigilance and organizing. “Formal measures like this are not sufficient, but they’re necessary,” Ross said. “They put you down on the road to freedom, but the road is unbuilt, and you have to then build it.”Drone sightings lead to shutdown at air basecasino online game legit 。

TRENTON, N.J. (AP) — A large number of mysterious drones have been reported flying over New Jersey and across the eastern U.S., sparking speculation and concern over where they came from and why. New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy and U.S. Sen. Andy Kim have both gone out on drone hunts, hoping for answers. The FBI, Homeland Security, state police and other agencies are investigating. Murphy and law enforcement officials have stressed that the drones don’t appear to be a threat to public safety , but many state and municipal lawmakers have nonetheless called for stricter rules about who can fly the unmanned aircraft — and to be allowed to shoot them out of the sky. Dozens of witnesses have reported seeing drones statewide since mid-November, including near the Picatinny Arsenal, a military research and manufacturing facility, and over President-elect Donald Trump’s golf course in Bedminster. Murphy, a Democrat, said Monday that equipment supplied by the federal government has yielded little new information. He declined to describe the equipment except to say it was powerful and could even “mitigate” the drones, though he added that’s not currently legal on U.S. soil. The state tallied 12 sightings Saturday and just one on Sunday. Murphy urged Congress to give states more authority to deal with the drones. The growing anxiety among some residents is not lost on the Biden administration, which has faced criticism from Trump for not dealing with the matter more aggressively. White House national security spokesman John Kirby on Monday said the federal government has yet to identify any public safety or national security risks from reported drone sightings in the northeast, saying officials believe they were lawfully flown drones, planes or even stars. “There are more than 1 million drones that are lawfully registered with the Federal Aviation Administration here in the United States,” Kirby said. “And there are thousands of commercial, hobbyist and law enforcement drones that are lawfully in the sky on any given day. That is the ecosystem that we are dealing with.” The federal government has deployed personnel and advanced technology to investigate the reports in New Jersey and other states, and is evaluating each tip reported by citizens, he said. The FBI received more than 5000 tips in recent weeks, he added, with only “about 100” deemed credible enough to require additional investigation. Authorities say they do not know. The Department of Homeland Security and FBI said they have no evidence that the aircraft pose “a national security or public safety threat or have a foreign nexus.” Speculation has nevertheless raged online, with some expressing concerns that the drones could be part of a nefarious plot by foreign agents. Officials stress that ongoing investigations have found no evidence to support such concerns, but U.S. Rep Chris Smith, a Republican, on Saturday echoed such speculation. “The elusive maneuvering of these drones suggests a major military power sophistication that begs the question whether they have been deployed to test our defense capabilities — or worse — by violent dictatorships, perhaps maybe Russia, or China, or Iran, or North Korea,” he said. On Monday, Pentagon spokesperson Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder cast doubt on the idea that the drones are engaged in intelligence gathering, given how loud and bright they are. He said about 1 million drones are registered drones in the U.S. and about 8,000 flying on any given day. Pentagon spokeswoman Sabrina Singh has said the aircraft are not U.S. military drones. In Boston, city police arrested two men accused of operating a drone “dangerously close” to Logan Airport on Saturday night. Authorities said an officer using drone monitoring technology detected the aircraft and the location of the operators. A third man fled police and remains at large. Authorities said the two men face trespassing charges and could face more charges and fines. Drones flying around Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, forced base officials to close its airspace for about four hours late Friday into early Saturday, said Robert Purtiman, a base spokesperson. It was the first time drones had been spotted at the base, one of the largest in the world, and no sightings have been reported since, Purtiman said Monday. He said the drones had no impact on any facilities on the base. Trump has said he believes the government knows more than it’s saying. “Let the public know, and now. Otherwise, shoot them down!!!” he posted on Truth Social. Kim said he’s heard no support for the notion the government is hiding anything. He said a lack of faith in institutions is playing a key part in the saga. “Nothing that I’m seeing, nothing that I’ve engaged in gives me any impression of that nature. But like, I get it, some people won’t believe me, right? Because that’s the level of distrust that we face," Kim said Monday. Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut last week called for the drones to be “shot down." Rep. Smith urged the Pentagon to authorize the use of force to bring down one or more drones to try to figure out who deployed them. The objects could be downed over the ocean or in an unpopulated area on land, Smith said Saturday. “Why can't we bag at least one of these drones and get to the bottom of it?” Smith said. Monmouth County Sheriff Shaun Golden said members of the public must not try to shoot down drones, as that would violate state and federal laws. Drone sightings were also reported in New York, where a permit is required. Mayor Eric Adams said the city was investigating and collaborating with New Jersey and federal officials. The runways at Stewart International Airport — about 60 miles (100 kilometers) north of the city — were shut down for about an hour Friday night because of drone activity, Gov. Kathy Hochul said. “This has gone too far,” she said in a statement. The governor called on Congress to strengthen the FAA’s oversight of drones and give more investigative authority to state and local law enforcement. Associated Press writers John Seewer in Toledo, Ohio; Bruce Schreiner in Shelbyville, Kentucky; and Aamer Madhani in West Palm Beach, Florida, contributed.East Carolina cornerback Shavon Revel Jr., a potential first-round pick, declared for the 2025 NFL Draft on Friday. Revel, who sustained a torn left ACL in practice in September, had one season of eligibility remaining. "After an incredible journey at East Carolina, I am officially declaring for the 2025 NFL Draft," the senior posted on social media. "... Pirates nation, thank you for your unwavering energy and support every game. Representing ECU is an honor, and I look forward to continuing to do so on Sundays!" Revel recorded two interceptions in three games this season, returning one 50 yards for a touchdown on Sept. 14 against Appalachian State. Over three seasons with the Pirates, Revel had three interceptions, 15 passes defensed and 70 tackles in 24 games. He was a second-team All-American Athletic Conference selection last season. ESPN draft analyst Mel Kiper Jr. ranked Revel as the No. 2 cornerback and No. 23 overall prospect in the 2025 draft class. --Field Level MediaNEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers formally asked a judge Monday to throw out his hush money criminal conviction , arguing that continuing the case would present unconstitutional “disruptions to the institution of the Presidency.“ In a filing made public Tuesday, Trump’s lawyers told Manhattan Judge Juan M. Merchan that anything short of immediate dismissal would undermine the transition of power, as well as the “overwhelming national mandate" granted to Trump by voters last month. They also cited President Joe Biden’s recent pardon of his son, Hunter Biden, who had been convicted of tax and gun charges . People are also reading... “President Biden asserted that his son was ‘selectively, and unfairly, prosecuted,’ and ‘treated differently,’" Trump’s legal team wrote. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, they claimed, had engaged in the type of political theater "that President Biden condemned.” Prosecutors will have until Dec. 9 to respond. They have said they will fight any efforts to dismiss the case but have indicated a willingness to delay the sentencing until after Trump’s second term ends in 2029. In their filing Monday, Trump's attorneys dismissed the idea of holding off sentencing until Trump is out of office as a “ridiculous suggestion.” Following Trump’s election victory last month, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed his sentencing, previously scheduled for late November, to allow the defense and prosecution to weigh in on the future of the case. He also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. Trump has been fighting for months to reverse his conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels to suppress her claim that they had sex a decade earlier. He says they did not and denies any wrongdoing. The defense filing was signed by Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Emil Bove, who represented Trump during the trial and have since been selected by the president-elect to fill senior roles at the Justice Department. Taking a swipe at Bragg and New York City, as Trump often did throughout the trial, the filing argues that dismissal would also benefit the public by giving him and “the numerous prosecutors assigned to this case a renewed opportunity to put an end to deteriorating conditions in the City and to protect its residents from violent crime.” Clearing Trump, the lawyers added, would also allow him to “to devote all of his energy to protecting the Nation.” Merchan hasn’t yet set a timetable for a decision. He could decide to uphold the verdict and proceed to sentencing, delay the case until Trump leaves office, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court or choose some other option. An outright dismissal of the New York case would further lift a legal cloud that at one point carried the prospect of derailing Trump’s political future. Last week, special counsel Jack Smith told courts that he was withdrawing both federal cases against Trump — one charging him with hoarding classified documents at his Florida estate, the other with scheming to overturn the 2020 presidential election he lost — citing longstanding Justice Department policy that shields a president from indictment while in office. The hush money case was the only one of Trump’s four criminal indictments to go to trial, resulting in a historic verdict that made him the first former president to be convicted of a crime. Prosecutors had cast the payout as part of a Trump-driven effort to keep voters from hearing salacious stories about him. Trump’s then-lawyer Michael Cohen paid Daniels. Trump later reimbursed him, and Trump’s company logged the reimbursements as legal expenses — concealing what they really were, prosecutors alleged. Trump has said the payments to Cohen were properly categorized as legal expenses for legal work. A month after the verdict, the Supreme Court ruled that ex-presidents can’t be prosecuted for official acts — things they did in the course of running the country — and that prosecutors can’t cite those actions to bolster a case centered on purely personal, unofficial conduct. Trump’s lawyers cited the ruling to argue that the hush money jury got some improper evidence, such as Trump’s presidential financial disclosure form, testimony from some White House aides and social media posts made during his first term. Prosecutors disagreed and said the evidence in question was only “a sliver” of their case. If the verdict stands and the case proceeds to sentencing, Trump’s punishments would range from a fine to probation to up to four years in prison — but it’s unlikely he’d spend any time behind bars for a first-time conviction involving charges in the lowest tier of felonies. Because it is a state case, Trump would not be able to pardon himself once he returns to office. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Get local news delivered to your inbox!Kirk Herbstreit Reacts to ESPN's Decision Amid 'Big Noon Kickoff' Controversy

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